Rivals Unto Death PDF Free Download

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Feb 21, 2017 Download or read book entitled Rivals Unto Death written by Rick Beyer and published by Hachette Books online. This book was released on 21 February 2017 with total page 224 pages. Available in PDF, EPUB and Kindle. Death, then again will bring you to life (on the Day of Resurrection) and then unto Him you will return. ﻢﺛ ﻢﻜﻴﻴﺤﻳ ﻢﺛ ﻢﻜﺘﻴﻤﻳ ﻢﺛ ﻢﻛﺎﻴﺣﺎﻓ َ َ َُ ُ ُۡ ۡ ُۡ ُۡ ۡ ِ ُۡ ُُ ِ َََُ ﻪﻴﻟاَِِۡ ﴾۲۸﴿نﻮﻌﺟﺮﺗََُُۡۡ 29. He it is Who created for you all.

Allah says, “Then do not set up rivals unto Allah (in worship) while you know (that He Alone has the right to be worshipped)” al-Baqarah 2:22 One who does Shirk is called a Mushrik (polytheist). A Mushrik is not a Muslim. The worst sin in the sight of Allah is Shirk and He is displeased with those who commits it.

The True Believer
AuthorEric Hoffer
CountryUnited States
LanguageEnglish
SubjectsFanaticism
Social psychology
Personal identity
PublisherHarper & Brothers
Publication date
1951
Pages176
ISBN0060505915
OCLC422140753
303.48/4 21
LC ClassHM716 .H63 2002
Adobe

The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements is a non-fiction book authored by American philosopher Eric Hoffer. Published in 1951, it depicts a variety of arguments in terms of applied world history and social psychology to explain why mass movements arise to challenge the status quo. Hoffer discusses the sense of individual identity and the holding to particular ideals that can lead to fanaticism among both leaders and followers.[1]

Hoffer initially attempts to explain the motives of the various types of personalities that give rise to mass movements in the first place and why certain efforts succeed while many others fail. He goes on to articulate a cyclical view of history such that why and how said movements start, progress and end is explored. Whether intended to be cultural, ideological, religious, or whatever else, Hoffer argues that mass movements are broadly interchangeable even when their stated goals or values differ dramatically. This makes sense, in the author's view, given the frequent similarities between them in terms of the psychological influences on its adherents. Thus, many will often flip from one movement to another, Hoffer asserts, and the often shared motivations for participation entail practical effects. Since, whether radical or reactionary, the movements tend to attract the same sort of people in his view, the author describes them as fundamentally using the same tactics including possessing the rhetorical tools. As examples, he often refers to the purported political enemies of communism and fascism as well as the religions of Christianity and Islam.[citation needed]

The first and best-known of Hoffer's books, The True Believer has been published in twenty-three editions between 1951 and 2002. He later touched upon similar themes in other works.[citation needed] Prominent leaders and social commentators who have remarked publicly about their interest in the book include American PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower as well as American Secretary of State and First LadyHillary R. Clinton.

Although receiving widespread popular acclaim, the socio-political debate spurred on by the book in terms of academic analysis and commentary has been ongoing. The core thesis of the interchangeability of mass movements and the inherent weakness within them that can cause adherents to slide into dogma and absolutism has attracted significant challenge; multiple scholars have used historical examples of solid group identities that rarely became interchangeable with other communities. Hoffer himself stated that he intended his analysis not to inherently condemn all mass movements in all contexts, particularly citing figures such as Jesus of Nazareth as those who promoted positive ideals. However, he continued to stress the central argument of his work.[citation needed]

Summary[edit]

Part 1. The Appeal of Mass Movements[edit]

Hoffer states that mass movements begin with a widespread 'desire for change' from discontented people who place their locus of control outside their power and who also have no confidence in existing culture or traditions. Feeling their lives are 'irredeemably spoiled' and believing there is no hope for advancement or satisfaction as an individual, true believers seek 'self-renunciation'.[2] Thus, such people are ripe to participate in a movement that offers the option of subsuming their individual lives in a larger collective. Leaders are vital in the growth of a mass movement, as outlined below, but for the leader to find any success, the seeds of the mass movement must already exist in people's hearts.

While mass movements are usually some blend of nationalist, political and religious ideas, Hoffer argues there are two important commonalities: 'All mass movements are competitive' and perceive the supply of converts as zero-sum; and 'all mass movements are interchangeable'.[3] As examples of the interchangeable nature of mass movements, Hoffer cites how almost 2000 years ago Saul, a fanatical opponent of Christianity, became Paul, a fanatical apologist and promoter of Christianity.[1] Another example occurred in Germany during the 1920s and the 1930s, when Communists and Fascists were ostensibly bitter enemies but in fact competed for the same type of angry, marginalized people; Nazis Adolf Hitler and Ernst Röhm, and Communist Karl Radek, all boasted of their prowess in converting their rivals.[1]

Part 2. The Potential Converts[edit]

The 'New Poor' are the most likely source of converts for mass movements, for they recall their former wealth with resentment and blame others for their current misfortune. Examples include the mass evictions of relatively prosperous tenants during the English Civil War of the 1600s or the middle- and working-classes in Germany who passionately supported Hitler in the 1930s after suffering years of economic hardship. In contrast, the 'abjectly poor' on the verge of starvation make unlikely true believers as their daily struggle for existence takes pre-eminence over any other concern.[4]

Racial and religious minorities, particularly those only partly assimilated into mainstream culture, are also found in mass movements. Those who live traditionalist lifestyles tend to be content, but the partially assimilated feel alienated from both their forbearers and the mainstream culture ('the orthodox Jew is less frustrated than the emancipated Jew'[5]).

A variety of what Hoffer terms 'misfits' are also found in mass movements. Examples include 'chronically bored', the physically disabled or perpetually ill, the talentless, and criminals or 'sinners'. In all cases, Hoffer argues, these people feel as if their individual lives are meaningless and worthless.[6]

Hoffer argues that the relatively low number of mass movements in the United States at that time was attributable to a culture that blurred traditionally rigid boundaries between nationalist, racial and religious groups and allowed greater opportunities for individual accomplishment.

Part 3. United Action and Self-Sacrifice[edit]

In mass movements, an individual's goals or opinions are unimportant. Rather, the mass movement's 'chief preoccupation is to foster, perfect and perpetuate a facility for united action and self-sacrifice'.[7] Mass movements have several means.

Mass movements demand a 'total surrender of a distinct self'.[8] One identifies the most as “a member of a certain tribe or family,' whether religious, political, revolutionary, or nationalist.[9] Every important part of the true believer's persona and life must ultimately come from their identification with the larger community; even when alone, the true believer must never feel isolated and unwatched. Hoffer identifies this communal sensibility as the reappearance of a 'primitive state of being' common among pre-modern cultures.[10] Mass movements also use play-acting and spectacle designed to make the individual feel overwhelmed and awed by their membership in the tribe, as with the massive ceremonial parades and speeches of the Nazis.

While mass movements idealize the past and glorify the future, the present world is denigrated: 'The radical and the reactionary loathe the present.'[11] Thus, by regarding the modern world as vile and worthless, mass movements inspire a perpetual battle against the present.

Mass movements aggressively promote the use of doctrines that elevate faith over reason and serve as 'fact-proof screens between the faithful and the realities of the world'.[12] The doctrine of the mass movement must not be questioned under any circumstances. Examples include the Japanese holdouts, who refused to believe that the Second World War was over, or the staunch defenders of the Soviet Union, who rejected overwhelming evidence of Bolshevik atrocities.

To spread and reinforce their doctrine, mass movements use persuasion, coercion, and proselytization. Persuasion is preferable but practical only with those already sympathetic to the mass movement. Moreover, persuasion must be thrilling enough to excite the listener yet vague enough to allow 'the frustrated to... hear the echo of their own musings in the impassioned double talk'.[13] Hoffer quotes Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels: 'a sharp sword must always stand behind propaganda if it is to be really effective'.[13] The urge to proselytize comes not from a deeply held belief in the truth of doctrine but from an urge of the fanatic to 'strengthen his own faith by converting others'.[14]

Successful mass movements need not believe in a god, but they must believe in a devil. Hatred unifies the true believers, and 'the ideal devil is a foreigner' attributed with nearly supernatural powers of evil.[15] For example, Hitler described Jews as foreign interlopers and moreover an ephemeral Jewishness, alleged to taint the German soul, was as vehemently condemned as were flesh-and-blood Jews. The hatred of a true believer is actually a disguised self-loathing, as with the condemnation of capitalism by socialists while Russia under the Bolsheviks saw more intensive monopolization of the economy than any other nation in history. Without a devil to hate, mass movements often falter (for example, Chiang Kai-shek effectively led millions of Chinese during the Japanese occupation of the 1930s and the 1940s but quickly fell out of favor once the Japanese were defeated).

Fanaticism is encouraged in mass movements. Hoffer argues that 'the fanatic is perpetually incomplete and insecure'[16] and thus uses uncompromising action and personal sacrifice to give meaning to his life.

Part 4. Beginning and End[edit]

Hoffer identifies three main personality types as the leaders of mass movements, 'men of words', 'fanatics', and 'practical men of action'. No person falls exclusively into one category, and their predominant quality may shift over time.

Mass movements begin with 'men of words' or 'fault-finding intellectuals' such as clergy, journalists, academics, and students who condemn the established social order (such as Gandhi, Trotsky, Mohammed, and Lenin). The men of words feel unjustly excluded from or mocked and oppressed by the existing powers in society, and they relentlessly criticize or denigrate present institutions. Invariably speaking out in the name of disadvantaged commoners, the man of words is actually motivated by a deep personal grievance. The man of words relentlessly attempts to 'discredit the prevailing creeds' and creates a 'hunger for faith' which is then fed by 'doctrines and slogans of the new faith'.[17] A cadre of devotees gradually develops around the man of words, leading to the next stage in a mass movement.

Eventually, the fanatic takes over leadership of the mass movement from the man of words. While the 'creative man of words' finds satisfaction in his literature, philosophy or art, the 'noncreative man of words' feels unrecognized or stifled and thus veers into an extremism against the social order. Though the man of words and the fanatic share a discontent with the world, the fanatic is distinguished by his viciousness and urge to destroy. The fanatic feels fulfilled only in a perpetual struggle for power and change. Examples include Jean-Paul Marat, Maximilien de Robespierre, Benito Mussolini, and Adolf Hitler.

The book also explores the behavior of mass movements once they become established as social institutions (or leave the 'active phase'). With their collapse of a communal framework, people can no longer defeat their abiding feelings of insecurity and uncertainty by belonging to a compact whole. If the isolated individual lacks opportunities for personal advancement, development of talents, and action (such as those found on a frontier), he will seek substitutes. The substitutes would be pride instead of self-confidence, memberships in a collective whole like a mass movement, absolute certainty instead of understanding. The 'practical men of action' take over leadership from the fanatics, marking the end of the 'dynamic phase' and steering the mass movement away from the fanatic's self-destructiveness. 'Hitler, who had a clear vision of the whole course of a movement even while he was nursing his infant National Socialism, warned that a movement retains its vigor only so long as it can offer nothing in the present.... The movement at this stage still concerns itself with the frustrated—not to harness their discontent in a deadly struggle with the present, but to reconcile them with it; to make them patient and meek.'

The focus shifts from immediate demands for revolution to establishing the mass movement as a social institution where the ambitious can find influence and fame. Leadership uses an eclectic bricolage of ideological scraps to reinforce the doctrine, borrowing from whatever source is successful in holding the attention of true believers. For example, proto-Christians were fanatics, predicting the end of the world, condemning idolatry, demanding celibacy and sowing discontent between family members, yet from those roots grew Roman Catholicism, which mimicked the elaborate bureaucratic structure of the Roman Empire, canonized early Christians as saints, and borrowed pagan holidays and rites. In the absence of a practical man of action, the mass movement often withers and dies with the fanatic (Nazism died as a viable mass movement with Hitler's death).

Mass movements that succeed in causing radical change often exceed in brutality the former regime that the mass movement opposed. The Bolsheviks in Russia and the Jacobins in France ostensibly formed in reaction to the oppression of their respective monarchies but proved themselves far more vicious and brutal in oppressing their opponents.

Hoffer does not take an exclusively negative view of 'true believers' and the mass movements they begin. He gives examples of how the same forces that give rise to true believer mass movements can be channelled in more positive ways:

There are, of course, rare leaders such as Lincoln, Gandhi, even F.D.R., Churchill, and Nehru. They do not hesitate to harness man's hungers and fears to weld a following and make it zealous unto death in service of a holy cause; but unlike a Hitler, a Stalin, or even a Luther and a Calvin, they are not tempted to use the slime of frustrated souls as mortar in the building of a new world.... They know that no one can be honorable unless he honors mankind'.

— p. 147

Hoffer argues that the length of the 'active phase' of a mass movement, the most energetic phase when fanatics are in control, can be predicted with some accuracy. Mass movements with a specific goal tend to be shorter-lived and feature less terror and bloodshed (such as the American Revolution). In contrast, an amorphous goal tends to result in a longer active phase of decades rather than months or years and also include substantially more bloodshed (such as the Bolsheviks in Russia, National Socialism in Germany).

In either case, Hoffer suggests that mass movements are accompanied by a dearth of creative innovation because so much energy is devoted to the mass movement. For example, in England, John Milton began a draft of his epic poem Paradise Lost in the 1640s before turning his literary talents to pamphleteering for the Commonwealth of England, only to finish the poem and his other major works after a change in government in 1660.

Reception[edit]

U.S. PresidentDwight Eisenhower read The True Believer in 1952, gave copies to friends, and recommended it to others. In 1956, Look ran an article calling Hoffer 'Ike's Favorite Author'.[18] British philosopher Bertrand Russell called the book 'as sound intellectually as it is timely politically.'[19]

The True Believer earned renewed attention after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001,[20] and this occurred again also after the Tea Party protests and the Occupy Wall Street protests around a decade later.[21]

Hillary Clinton wrote in her 2017 book What Happened, a work discussing her loss to Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential race, cited The True Believer as a book that she recommended to her staff during the campaign.[22]

Editions[edit]

  • Hoffer, Eric (2002). The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements. Harper Perennial Modern Classics. ISBN978-0-060-50591-2.

See also[edit]

  • Identity (social science)
  • Revolution

References[edit]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Eric Hoffer
  1. ^ abcHoffer, 1951, p. 10
  2. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 12
  3. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 17
  4. ^Hoffer, 1951, pp. 26–27
  5. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 50
  6. ^Hoffer, 1951, pp. 46–55
  7. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 58
  8. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 117
  9. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 62
  10. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 63
  11. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 74
  12. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 79
  13. ^ abHoffer, 1951, p. 106
  14. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 110
  15. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 93
  16. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 85
  17. ^Hoffer, 1951, p. 140
  18. ^'Document #1051 Personal To Robert J. Biggs'. Eisenhower Presidential Papers. Eisenhower Memorial. 10 February 1959. Archived from the original on 14 November 2011. Retrieved 2012-09-15. see footnote 7
  19. ^Shachtman, Tom. 'The Dockworker Is In – A second life for America's 'longshoreman philosopher''. Tufts Magazine. Retrieved 2020-07-14.
  20. ^Madigan, Tim. 'The True Believer Revisited'. Philosophy Now (34). Retrieved 2011-03-24.
  21. ^Cupp, S.E. (2011). 'What Occupy Wall Street and the Tea Party have in common: Right or left, all mass movements are the same: A book of sociology from 1951 has plenty to teach us today', New York Daily News, 16 November 2011
  22. ^Hohmann, James (18 September 2017). 'Analysis – The Daily 202: The reading list that helped Hillary Clinton cope'. The Washington Post.
Retrieved from 'https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=The_True_Believer&oldid=1008136736'

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ISBN 13: 9780674986480
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

The US Constitution never established a presidential cabinet—the delegates to the Constitutional Convention explicitly rejected the idea. So how did George Washington create one of the most powerful bodies in the federal government? On November 26, 1791, George Washington convened his department secretaries—Alexander Hamilton, Thomas Jefferson, Henry Knox, and Edmund Randolph—for the first cabinet meeting. Why did he wait two and a half years into his presidency to call his cabinet? Because the US Constitution did not create or provide for such a body. Washington was on his own. Faced with diplomatic crises, domestic insurrections, and constitutional challenges—and finding congressional help lacking—Washington decided he needed a group of advisors he could turn to. He modeled his new cabinet on the councils of war he had led as commander of the Continental Army. In the early days, the cabinet served at the president’s pleasure. Washington tinkered with its structure throughout his administration, at times calling regular meetings, at other times preferring written advice and individual discussions. Lindsay M. Chervinsky reveals the far-reaching consequences of Washington’s choice. The tensions in the cabinet between Hamilton and Jefferson heightened partisanship and contributed to the development of the first party system. And as Washington faced an increasingly recalcitrant Congress, he came to treat the cabinet as a private advisory body to summon as needed, greatly expanding the role of the president and the executive branch.

Seward

Author: Walter Stahr
Publsiher: Simon and Schuster
Total Pages: 703
Release: 2013-09-17
ISBN 10: 1439121184
ISBN 13: 9781439121184
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

Presents a profile of the leader of Lincoln's 'team of rivals,' examining the many political roles he had in his lifetime, including governor of New York, Secretary of State, and Lincoln's closest advisor during the Civil War.

Lincoln on the Verge

Author: Ted Widmer
Publsiher: Simon and Schuster
Total Pages: 624
Release: 2020-04-07
ISBN 10: 1476739455
ISBN 13: 9781476739458
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

WINNER OF THE LINCOLN FORUM BOOK PRIZE “A Lincoln classic...superb.” ­—The Washington Post “A book for our time.”—Doris Kearns Goodwin Lincoln on the Verge tells the dramatic story of America’s greatest president discovering his own strength to save the Republic. As a divided nation plunges into the deepest crisis in its history, Abraham Lincoln boards a train for Washington and his inauguration—an inauguration Southerners have vowed to prevent. Lincoln on the Verge charts these pivotal thirteen days of travel, as Lincoln discovers his power, speaks directly to the public, and sees his country up close. Drawing on new research, this riveting account reveals the president-elect as a work in progress, showing him on the verge of greatness, as he foils an assassination attempt, forges an unbreakable bond with the American people, and overcomes formidable obstacles in order to take his oath of office.

Rivals

Author: Tim Green
Publsiher: HarperCollins
Total Pages: 288
Release: 2011-02-22
ISBN 10: 9780061626944
ISBN 13: 0061626945
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

Cooperstown! Josh is thrilled when all his hard training pays off in a big way and his team, the Titans, makes it to a national tournament in Cooperstown, home of the National Baseball Hall of Fame. More is on the line for Josh than just a trophy. Winning would mean everything to his dad—now Josh's coach. Winning could mean a major endorsement deal for the Titans and the attention of big league scouts! After a dirty play and a brutal injury threaten to sideline Josh, he spies suspicious activity at the tournament. He tries to tell his good friend Jaden about what he's seen, but she's too busy spending time with the L.A. Comets' star player, Mickey Mullen Jr., to want to get involved. Jaden says she's doing research for the newspaper . . . but is she? Now Josh has a rival—both on the field and off—as he swings for the fences in a game that quickly becomes more dangerous. New York Times bestselling author Tim Green delivers a hard-hitting look at what some teams will do to win in this gripping companion to Baseball Great.

Democracy

Author: David A. Moss
Publsiher: Harvard University Press
Total Pages: 690
Release: 2017-02-01
ISBN 10: 0674971450
ISBN 13: 9780674971455
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

Historian David Moss adapts the case study method made famous by Harvard Business School to revitalize our conversations about governance and democracy and show how the United States has often thrived on political conflict. These 19 cases ask us to weigh choices and consequences, wrestle with momentous decisions, and come to our own conclusions.

Rivals Unto Death

Author: Rick Beyer
Publsiher: Hachette Books
Total Pages: 224
Release: 2017-02-21
ISBN 10: 0316504963
ISBN 13: 9780316504966
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

From the bestselling author of The Greatest Stories Never Told series, the epic history of Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr's illustrious and eccentric political careers and their fateful rivalry. The famous duel between Alexander Hamilton and Aaron Burr was the culmination of a story three decades in the making. Rivals unto Death vividly traces their rivalry back to the earliest days of the American Revolution, when Hamilton and Burr--both brilliant, restless, and barely twenty years old--elbowed their way onto the staff of General George Washington. The fast-moving account traces their intricate tug-of war, uncovering surprising details that led to their deadly encounter through battlefields, courtrooms, bedrooms, and the wildest presidential election in history, counting down the years to their fateful rendezvous on the dueling ground. This is politics made personal: shrill accusations, bruising collisions, and a parade of flesh and blood founders struggling--and often failing--to keep their tempers and jealousies in check. Smoldering in the background was a fundamental political divide that threatened to tear the new nation in two, and still persists to this day. The Burr and Hamilton that leap out of these pages are passionate, engaging, and utterly human characters inextricably linked together as Rivals unto Death.

The Prize

Author: Daniel Yergin
Publsiher: Simon and Schuster
Total Pages: 928
Release: 2012-09-11
ISBN 10: 1471104753
ISBN 13: 9781471104756
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

The Prize recounts the panoramic history of oil -- and the struggle for wealth power that has always surrounded oil. This struggle has shaken the world economy, dictated the outcome of wars, and transformed the destiny of men and nations. The Prize is as much a history of the twentieth century as of the oil industry itself. The canvas of this history is enormous -- from the drilling of the first well in Pennsylvania through two great world wars to the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and Operation Desert Storm. The cast extends from wildcatters and rogues to oil tycoons, and from Winston Churchill and Ibn Saud to George Bush and Saddam Hussein. The definitive work on the subject of oil and a major contribution to understanding our century, The Prize is a book of extraordinary breadth, riveting excitement -- and great importance.

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The Lincoln Deception A Fraser and Cook Historical Mystery Book 1

Rivals Unto Death Pdf Free Download Free

Author: David O. Stewart
Publsiher: ePublishing Works!
Total Pages: 268
Release: 2020-04-14
ISBN 10: 1644571668
ISBN 13: 9781644571668
Language: EN, FR, DE, ES & NL

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The Lincoln Deception A Fraser and Cook Historical Mystery Book 1 Book Review:

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“A taut, suspenseful, terrifically well-researched historical thriller about the greatest crime of the 19th Century.” ~William Martin, New York Times Bestselling Author of The Lincoln Letter and Bound for Gold. In 1900, former Congressman John Bingham tells his doctor, Jamie Fraser, about a terrible secret he learned thirty-five years ago while prosecuting John Wilkes Booth’s co-conspirators in the assassination of Abraham Lincoln—a secret that could destroy the republic. Then Bingham dies before revealing what he knows. Obsessed with discovering Bingham’s secret, Fraser encounters aspiring newspaper publisher Speed Cook—the last black man to play baseball in the big leagues. Navigating perilous social norms designed to separate blacks and whites, they set out to unravel the truth. While dodging race riots, kidnappers, and muggers, elusive clues reveal an alliance between the nation’s foremost cotton tycoon—with connections to a Northern pro-Confederacy faction—and the last general of the Confederate Army. Now face-to-face with the treacherous pair, Fraser and Cook must survive long enough to expose the deception thrust upon the entire nation. Publisherʼs Note: The Fraser and Cook Historical Mystery Series will be enjoyed by fans of American history and period mystery novels. Free of graphic sex and with some mild profanity, this series can be enjoyed by readers of all ages. “...more than enough to satisfy any reader of historical whodunits...its conclusion has a wry double edge that Lincoln himself would have appreciated.”—Washington Post “...a rip-snorting tale about those involved in the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. What secret did Union prosecutor John Bingham carry to the grave...did the conspiracy involve more than John Wilkes Booth?”—Frank J. Williams, Founding Chair of The Lincoln Forum and retired Chief Justice, Rhode Island Supreme Court “The Lincoln Deception is a superb melding of fact, mystery, and imaginary ‘what-ifsʼ that blow open the conspiracy shrouds surrounding the murder of a president.”—GateHouse News Service “David O. Stewart dramatically reopens the file on the Lincoln assassination conspiracy with a nail-biting, historically grounded page turner. Where the facts end and the fiction begins will inspire plenty of debate. Meanwhile, enjoy this for the terrific read Stewart provides.”—Harold Holzer The Fraser and Cook Historical Mystery Series The Lincoln Deception The Paris Deception The Babe Ruth Deception